Legislature Has Power to Enact District Maps at Any Time

Article Series

  1. Chickens With Heads Cut Off
  2. This Article

Gold Standard

It's really tiresome to hear blabber about there being a "gold standard" for redistricting. Just more lies. Citizen redistricting bodies, like the Citizens Redistricting Commission ("CRC") in California, are neither impartial nor standard. This is just propaganda.

Think.

The purpose of the commission is to draw impartial maps. The commission members are appointed by a convoluted process that involves multiple levels of complexity in an effort to demonstrate a lack of bias. We dare you to read and understand Government Code section 8252. The entirely of Citizens Redistricting Commission chapter was added by Proposition 11 (2008), left untouched by Proposition 20 (2010), and then, get this, amended by the Legislature SB 1096 in 2012.

The entire point of the process is to substitute an elected legislature with a unelected set of 14 people who have actively sought to be appointed. Part of the process is similar to creating jury pools, except the selection into one of the three pools (Democrat, Republican, Other) is anything but random.

Plenary Power

In first article in this series, we mentioned plenary power.

The adjective plenary is not some special legal term. It's a regular, ordinary, English word. Here's Merriam Webster's definition of plenary. Each of the two definitions comes with an example usage.

1 : complete in every respect : ABSOLUTE, UNQUALIFIED
| plenary power
2 : fully attended or constituted by all entitled to be present
| a plenary session

As you can see, plenary is so often associated with power that it is used in the example.

The second definition is often associated with meetings, you know, Roberts' Rules of Order. Specifically, under Roberts' Rules, conventions are examples of plenary sessions. The convention in Philadelphia in 1787 was a plenary session of the Congress established by the Articles of Confederation. The quadrennial convention of political parties to nominate a candidate for President of the United States is also a plenary session. Almost every political party organizational meeting, if it's called a convention, rather than a meeting, typically is a plenary session of that party, either at the national, state, or local levels.

Unlike the federal constitution which grants powers to the Congress, the President, and the Supreme Court, state constitutions presume plenary powers. The California Supreme Court has held over and over that "we do not look to [the California] Constitution to determine whether the [L]egislature is authorized to do an act, but only to see if it is prohibited. In other words, unless restrained by constitutional provision, the [L]egislature is vested with the whole of the legislative power of the state." Fitts v. Superior Court (1936) 6 Cal.2d 230, 234

Does the federal constitution limit the states' power to draw district maps?

The Enumeration Clause (Article I, Section 2, Clause 3) says:

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers ... The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct.

This clause concerns apportionment of Representatives. That is the allocation of Representatives among the states based on population. The apportionment occurs once every ten years. It says nothing about when or how often a state may draw maps for electing Representatives to Congress.

The clause doesn't even speak of districts. It doesn't tell states how to elect its Representatives. The clause addresses only how often the number of Representatives in Congress are determined.

Is practice or tradition the same as law?

Ok. Today, states that are apportioned only one Representative elect a Representatives at large. Today, states that are apportioned more than one Representative draw district maps. There is no federal law requiring the states to draw maps based on population, but they do so either by their constitutions or by statutes. The Elections Clause ("The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ...") actually gives the power to state legislatures. (But see:

For nearly two hundred years, state legislatures decided how to elect Representatives. Why do states draw district maps every ten years today? Because the United States Supreme Court, in a decision that has been controversial since it was published, says so. It was the opinion of the court in Reynolds v. Sims 377 U.S. 533 (1964), that created the entire redistricting nightmare that has existed since then.

Reynolds implemented what is known as the one-person, one-vote rule. In fact, it was a one-person, one-fraction-of-a-vote rule. It's also known as vote dilution. Unfortunately, the courts never really fix things, because, so they claim, they don't have any legislative power. Ha. Ha.

So, in California in 1980, the Legislature changed the rules for redistricting via a constitutional amendment. Since then, your vote has been diluted or enriched (depending on where live) by counting people other than voters and other than citizens in the populations for population counts.

Does the federal constitution prohibit mid-decade redistricting?

The obvious answer is no. But what about the Supreme Court? It has never held that mid-decade redistricting, as an issue, violates any law or constitutional right. In League of United Latin American Citizens v. Perry 548 US 399 (2006), the court allowed a 2003 Republican gerrymander in Texas that replaced the 2001 Democratic gerrymander. The primary factor that in 2001 the Democrats controlled the state legislature. In 2003, the legislature had flipped to the Republicans.

State law (either constitution or statute) is literally all over the map on redistricting. A super-majority of states are ambivalent on the issue. A small number of states expressly prohibit. A smaller number of states permit it either by law or by court decision.

If you're really interested to learn how it works in other states, the National Conference of State Legislatures covers the subject in depth since it has become so newsworthy. Ohio, one of the states with expressly permits it, has been in the process of redistricting this year under its conditional law. What is the condition that can instigate redistricting? It's the way its legislature voted on the decennial redistricting. We believe this is the first time that the condition has occurred in Ohio. Ohio will gerrymander out several Democratic Representatives for 2026.

California is one of those ambivalent states. Despite the conflicting reasoning in the 1983 Legislature v. Deukmejian decision, parts of which may be considered overturned by United States Supreme Court rulings since then, the current court will almost surely permit Prop 50 to become effective, whether it passes or not. Deukmejian ignored the court's own precedent at that time and the composition of the court now reflects the politics of our last two governors.

Conclusion

Past practice or tradition is not law. Our constitution does not prohibit the Legislature from redistricting between decennial censuses.

The voters will not decide based on some principle. The voters will not be influenced by education. The voters will also not be influenced by facts. Because both sides are lying about just about everything, it comes down to which lies and liars will they believe.

Quod Erat Demonstrandum ("Q.E.D")

Or "that which was to be demonstrated."

This term is often used in mathematical proofs. Most science involves theories, based on observations, which can never be proven.

We're going to quickly demonstrate that the chickens (see first article in series) don't know a thing about what they are running around about.

The question to be answered is whether or not the Legislature has the power to enact district maps. Remember, the Prop 50 opposition is spouting a lot of rhetoric.

First, we'll look at Article XXI, as it was enacted in 2010. You may want to look up enact. It's how either the Legislature, under Article IV, or the people, under Article II, make law.

Does Article XXI give the Citizens Redistricting Commission ("CRC") the power to enact the maps it draws?

The only reference to that word, in the entirely of Article XXI, is "enactment" in this sentence in Section 2(i):

The date of certification of a final map to the Secretary of State shall be deemed the enactment date for purposes of Section 9 of Article II.

The reference to Article II, Section 9 is a reference to the referendum power. So, the certification date is "deemed" the enactment date for the limited purpose of determining the statute of limitations for a referendum -- 90 days.

Certification refers to only substantive power given to CRC: "Upon approval [by the CRC], the commission shall certify the four final maps to the Secretary of State." Section 2(g).

So Article XXI gives the CRC the power to certify its maps to the Secretary of State. The date of certification is to be equivalent to

Is "Voter Education" a Solution?

You've got to be kidding.

Virtually without exception, opponents on the "purported" right purport to "fight" by "educating" people. You know, "if we just educate them about some issue, they will realize that they agree with us." You can't fight stupid with stupid.

Again, almost without exception, one part of the political spectrum thinks that people want to be educated. They are looking in the mirror and thinking everyone else is like them. Well, not exactly, because those doing the "educating" themselves don't really want to be educated either. They just want others to agree with whatever stance they take on some issue or another. They call that "education."

The so-called "tea party" is an example within recent memory. After a brief 15 minutes of success, it failed massively. Reality quickly kicked in. They found that people don't want to be educated. Remember, Jonathan Gruber of Obamacare fame and his reliance on the stupidity of the American voter.

Lack of transparency is a huge political advantage. Call it the stupidity of the American voter or whatever, but basically, that was really, really critical for the thing to pass.

Some people don't learn from their mistakes. Some might call those people stupid. Others might call them insane.

There Are Enough Idiots Among the Lawyers to Fill A Stadium

We can't ascribe any particular motive to the lawyers who take up cases that they know from the beginning are "without merit." Courts tend to call such cases frivolous. In the lawyers' Code of Professional Conduct, lawyers agree, as officers of the court, to not bring frivolous cases to a court. Rules are meant to be broken. They are broken. All the time.

Legislature v. Deukmejian

We're going to discuss this briefly, because this is the case that the lawyers cite in their wildly fanciful claim that what the governor and the Legislature are doing is unconstitutional.

As they say, everyone is entitled to their own opinion, but they are not entitled to their own facts.

Factually, the caption for the case is highly misleading. The actual plaintiffs were several citizens who had qualified an initiative to draw district maps for congress and the legislature. The holding in the opinion was that the peons, that's the people, had no power via the initiative process to draw district maps. The court reached its conclusion using logic that make Rene Descartes turn over in his grave. However, that opinion has never been overturned and the peons have never tried to draw district maps again.

Interesting, a liberal majority of the United States Supreme Court held that maps drawn by Arizona's commission because the voters that passed the voter-initiative that created the commission have power equivalent to the legislature. That was Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission 576 U.S. ___ (2015). It would difficult for California courts today to use Deukmejian as precedent to prevent the voters from enacting redistricting maps via a voter-initiative.

Even when you get into the weeds on the decision and consider the four conservative justice different dissents, you're really at the place we are today in California. The operative language in Arizona's constitution (Ariz. Const. Art. IV, pt. 2 § 1) is very similar to California's regarding the commission. In other words, it's silent on whether the power of the legislature to establish districts has been prohibited.

By Feb. 28 of each year that ends in one, an independent redistricting commission shall be established to provide for the redistricting of congressional and state legislative districts ... The independent redistricting commission shall establish congressional and legislative districts.

The dissenting justices didn't argue that the legislature couldn't draw district maps. It was presumed the power was taken away. They merely argued

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